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有證據表明以色列人曾經住在埃及,正如聖經所說的那樣嗎?

約瑟的原墓被找到了嗎?

作者﹕ Dr. Bryant G. Wood of Associates for Biblical Research. 
張逸萍譯自﹕http://www.christiananswers.net/q-abr/abr-a027.html



israel-egypt-01

 

聖經告訴我們,當雅各和他的家人從亞洲遷徙到埃及時,他們定居在“蘭塞境內的地”,他們成為那裡的主人(創四十七11,27)。最後,以色列人變為奴隸工人,建造蘭塞城(出一11)。430年後,他們離開時(出十二40),也是從蘭塞起行(出十二37)。從這些參考資料,我們可以得出一個結論﹕以色列人在埃及逗留的日子,住在蘭塞及周圍。

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 “我們不僅知道蘭塞在哪裡,而且我們知道很多關於這古遺址的歷史。

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蘭塞這個名字,實際上,在以色列旅居埃及之後才有。它是主前13世紀,拉美西斯大帝(拉美西斯二世)Rameses中文聖經翻譯的)在尼羅河東三角洲,所建造的一個城市的名字。後來當文士們抄寫聖經,回顧地使用這個更熟悉的名字。雖然蘭塞的位置,多年來有爭論,但現已解決。我們不僅知道蘭塞在哪裡,而且我們知道很多關於這古遺址的歷史。

1966年以來,開羅的奧地利考古學院 Manfred Bietak指導下在那裡進行了大規模的挖掘(關於從前的報告,見﹕Shea 1990: 100-103; Wood 1991: 104-106; Aling 1996: 20-21)。可能這是Bietak教授第一次找到物證,來證明以色列人在埃及的存在。

 

考古學發現了蘭塞地的歷史

古代蘭塞,位於大巴丘(Tell el-Daba東部三角洲,約在開羅東北100 km古代的尼羅河支流,叫Pelusiac的,流經該地點,進入地中海;此外,該鎮位於通往迦南著名的荷魯斯之路Horus)上。因此,它是一個重要的商業和軍事中心。

有不認識約瑟的新王起來,治理埃及。」(出一8

 

israel-eypgt-02

 

我們可以將該地點的歷史分為三個時期:前希克索斯王朝前(pre-Hyksos)、希克索斯王朝(Hyksos)和後希克索斯王朝後(post-Hyksos)。希克索斯是來自敘利亞 - 巴勒斯坦的閃族人,住在尼羅河三角洲,他們終於統治了埃及北部約108年, 就是主前1663年至1555年(15年) [1] 。根據出埃及的日期(主前1450年)來算,雅各和他的家人,約在主前1880年抵達埃及。那就是在希克索斯王朝前期,當城鎮的名字還是Rowaty,“兩條路的門”(Bietak 19969,19)。 [2]

 

這些是以色列人嗎?

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這可能是Bietak第一次找到物證,證明以色列人在埃及﹕時間對了、地點對了、文化對了。

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最早證據是第十二朝的晚期(主前19世紀中期)時[3] ,有亞洲人在Rowaty(這個城市後來叫做蘭塞),同時也找到一個農村拓居點。這裏沒設防,雖然有許多圍牆,很可能是飼養動物的地方。居住處包括由沙磚建成的長方形小屋(Bietak 1986237; 1991b32)。這很可能是以色列人在埃及的第一個物證﹕時間對了、地點對了、文化對了。

大巴丘第一個亞洲拓居點的所有居民,不是都住在小屋裡。其中一個,顯然一個重要的官員,住在一個小別墅。聖經告訴我們,約瑟為法老正確地解夢之後,就成為一位高級官員(創四十一39-45)。我們不知道約瑟在埃及官方工作時,住在哪裡。然而,在履行與飢荒有關的職責後,他會搬到蘭塞,靠近他的父親和兄弟。這樣假設,是合邏輯的。

 

這個別墅可能是約瑟的家嗎?[4]

別墅是10×12米的大小,位於一個12 x 19米、有圍牆的、場地的一邊。它包括六個房間,排得好像一個馬蹄似的,圍繞著一個開闊的庭院。最引人注目的方面是,這房子的平面圖,與後來的巴勒斯坦鐵器時代的以色列“四室房子”相同(Holladay 1992a)。這種類型房子是這樣的﹕兩側房,和一個後房圍繞著中央的空間或庭院。[5]

附近,在別墅周圍,排列成半圓形的房子,是較謙卑的兩居室房子,大小約為6×8米。如果別墅是約瑟的家,那麼周圍的小屋可能是約瑟的父親和兄弟的家。在拓居點的破瓦殘礫中發現的陶器,約有20%,是巴勒斯坦中古銅器時代的陶器(Bietak 199610)。在別墅西南的空曠地方,是拓居點的公墓。就是在這裡,我們發現了一些最驚人的證據。

 

希伯來人的墳墓?

墳墓是用埃及時代的泥磚建造的,但裏面的東西,完全是亞洲人的。雖然它們被徹底搶劫過,50%的男人墓中,仍然有巴勒斯坦型武器。通常,男死者有兩個標槍,戰斧和匕首。第八墓是好例子,它裏面有一個鴨嘴槌和壓花的青銅帶(Bietak 199614)。然而,其中的一個墳墓是完全獨特的,有異於在埃及所發現的任何東西……

 

約瑟的墓?

在埋葬區的西南端,距離別墅大約83米,是一個紀念性的墓,一號墓。它是一個差不多正方形的上層結構,包括主墓室和一個禮拜堂的附屬建築。在禮拜堂裏的一個強盜坑中,挖掘者發現了一個巨大雕像的碎片,雕出一個亞洲的顯貴要人。它的模樣是一個坐著的官員,兩倍於真人大小。它是由石灰石製成,手工優秀。它的皮膚是黃色的,在埃及藝術品中,習慣給亞洲人這顏色。它有一個蘑菇形的髮型,漆成紅色,典型的埃及藝術品中的亞洲人。在右肩上,有一個投擲桿,和一個代表外國人的埃及象形文字。這個雕像是被人蓄意砸碎和污損過的(Bietak 199620-21)。

David Rohl在他的書《法老和國王:聖經的任務》中建議,這是約瑟自己的墳墓(1995360-67)。[6]證據似乎支持這假設。我們必須假設,一號墓就是別墅的居住者,因此也許是約瑟自己。聖經明確地講及約瑟的身體後來怎樣。

約瑟死了,正一百一十歲。人用香料將他薰了,把他收殮在棺材裡,停在埃及。」(創五十26

摩西在出埃及記的時候帶著約瑟的骸骨,因為約瑟使以色列的兒子宣誓。

約瑟「對他們說﹕神必眷顧你們,你們要把我的骸骨從這裡一同帶上去。」(出十三19;參﹕創五十25

在墓室內部,挖掘者發現了一個銘刻的石灰石棺材的碎片和一些骸骨碎片,但沒有完整的骸骨,不如墓地中的其他墳墓(Bietak 1991a61)。埋葬之後的某時,有人在禮拜堂的末端,挖了一個坑和一個進入墓室的隧道。然後,“棺材”(石棺)被破壞,死者的遺骸被這些“劫墓者”搬走(Rohl 1995363)。在古代,墳墓被潛入,貴重物品被偷走,這是常見的;但屍身被偷走,卻是非常不尋常。

骸骨被拿走時,雕像是破碎的,還是在其他時間打破的?考古學無法告訴我們答案;我們只能猜測。

雕像被打破,可能是在一段政治動盪期間(Bietak 199621),可能是當希克索斯王朝接管該地區時。很可能就是「不認識約瑟的新王起來」(出一8),就是第一個希克索斯王,他在主前1663年上台。[7]在那時間,以色列人受到猛烈的壓迫(出一9-11)。也許當希克索斯推翻當地埃及政權時,也毀壞了雕像。由於墳墓中的遺骸也可能有危險,忠心的以色列人可能在這個時候妥善保管它。

 

希克索斯王朝控制的證據

在下一個佔領時期[8],簡陋的住宅被一個巨大的宮殿建築群所覆蓋。顯然,新來者雖然也是亞洲人,但與上一個時期不同。 [9]

宮殿綜合構造包括幾個大型的,純埃及風格的建築物。它包括上層樓、門廊、庭院、游泳池、花園和墓地(Bietak 199621-30)。這一階段的很多發現,都表明居住者是從事外貿的高級官員。看來,這是希克索斯王朝在該地點定居的初早期。 [10]隨著這些人的到來,雅各兒子家族倒霉了(出一8-12a)。

沒有鑒別的銘文,我們永遠不能確定,先到的人是否以色列人。 [11]我們找不到同時期,提到雅各十二個兒子的參考資料。由於雅各的兒子是卑微的牧人,我們不期望找到這樣的記錄,除非是約瑟。[12]然而,有古代資料,提到以色列幾個支派,當然,都是以雅各的兒子命名的。所以,間接地,我們有碑文提到雅各的兒子,儘管比較晚期。

蘭塞的發現,我們只能講這麼多。這些發現,正是我們希望能找到,關於以色列人住在埃及的。

 



譯後記

當我將上邊的譯文,摘錄在我的臉書,有弟兄介紹了類似的更新的資料﹕ 

Filmmaker Searches for Proof of Biblical Exodus」(http://www1.cbn.com/video/filmmaker-searches-for-proof-of-biblical-exodus     https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UE4oHfQ34NU

記載十災的Ipuwer Papyrus」相關的youtube https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=NSe09RcV0Q8  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=UMw8VjWlq1A

「以色人曾在埃及」的考古新証據」(http://cl-ministry.org/?p=1053

Strong evidence for Joseph's Tomb and Palace in Egypt!」(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=lm9ATLhkujY&feature=youtu.be

Amazing Discovery of Joseph's Statue in Egypt」(https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=Qxw1h-iJ_qE



註釋

1.       The Egyptian word Hyksos means “foreign rulers.” In common usage, however, the term is used to refer in general to the Asiatics who settled in the eastern Delta of Egypt in the Second Intermediate Period. The dates for Hyksos rule are not known precisely. Those used here are based on the following: Expulsion of the Hyksos in approximately the 15th year of Ahmose (Bietak 1991b: 48) A total of 108 years for the rule of the Hyksos according to the Turin papyrus (Bietak 1991b: 48) The chronology of Wente and Van Siclen for the 18th Dynasty (Wente and Van Siclen 1977: 218). This chronology gives a death date for Tuthmosis III of 1450 BC, which correlates with the Biblical date for the Exodus. According to Scripture, the Pharaoh of the Exodus perished in the Yam Suph (Exodus 14:5-9,18,28; 15:4,7; Psalm 106:9-11; 136:15), therefore, we correlate the date of the Exodus with the death date of the Pharaoh of the Exodus. The chronology of Wente and Van Siclen also incorporates the low date of 1279 BC for the accession of Rameses II accepted by most scholars today.

2.       In the 14th Dynasty, toward the end of the 18th century BC, the name of the town was changed to Avaris, “the (royal) foundation of the district” (Bietak 1996:40). When the Hyksos later established their capital there, they retained the name Avaris. It was probably the Hyksos rulers who forced the Israelites to build the store cities of Pithom (= Tell el-Maskhuta) and Rameses (= Tell el-Daba = Avaris) (Exodus 1:11). When Rameses II rebuilt the city in the 13th century in the post-Hyksos period, and long after the Israelites had left Egypt, the name was changed to Rameses. The location of Pithom has also been a matter of some debate. Now, however, it seems quite certain that it should be located at Tell el-Maskhuta at the eastern end of the Wadi Tumilat, 15 km west of Ismailiya. Asiatic remains similar to those found at Tell el-Daba have been found there and attributed to the Hyksos (Holladay 1992b: 588-89; 1997:332-34). According to Holladay, the Hyksos occupation at Tell el-Maskhuta took place ca. 1750-1625 BC. It would have been sometime during this time period, then, that the Israelites built the store city of Pithom.

3.       Area F/I, Str. d/2, and Area A/II, Str H

4.       Str. d/2 at Tell el-Daba

5.       In Palestine, the side rooms were usually delineated by stone columns. With the scarcity of stone in Egypt, this feature would not be expected. Holladay suggests that the ground floor of such a house was primarily utilized for the economic aspects of family life such as the storage of food, tools and supplies, and the housing of animals. The family living space, on the other hand, was most likely on the second floor.

6.       As a result of his nontraditional chronology of ancient Egypt, however, British historian David Rohl dates Tomb 1 to the late 17th century BC (1995: 339), rather than the mid-nineteenth century as determined by the excavators. Since Rohl believes the Sojourn to be only 215 years based on the Septuagint (1995: 329-32), Joseph and Tomb 1 end up being approximately contemporary by his chronology. The present author, however, disagrees with both of these views and holds to conventional Egyptian chronology and a Sojourn of 430 years (Ex 12:40) as recorded in the Masoretic text of the Hebrew Bible. Moreover, Rohl places Joseph and Tomb 1 in Str. d/1, while the present author accepts the excavators' dating of Tomb 1 to Str. d/2, and believes Str. d/2 to be a more compatible context for Joseph and the Israelites.

7.       We are not certain of the name of the first Hyksos king. Redford suggests Salitis/Saites based on literary references (1992: 342), while Ward suggests Khyan based on inscriptional evidence (1984:162-72).

8.       Str. d/1 dating to the early 13th Dynasty (early 18th century BC)

9.       Str. d/2

10.    Str. d/1

11.    Str. d/2

12.    There is a canal connecting the Nile with the Faiyum in the western desert named Bahr Yusuf, the “canal of Joseph.” Development of the Faiyum is associated with Dynasty 12, the time when Joseph was in Egypt carrying out land reforms (Genesis 41:46-49; Gardiner 1961: 35-36). Whether the name of the canal is ancient or from a relatively modern tradition is not known. Otherwise, the name of Joseph has not turned up in Egypt (see Aling 1996).

 

參考書

·         Y. Aharoni, The Land of the Bible, revised edition, translated and edited by A.F. Rainey (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1979).

·         C.F. Aling, “The Historicity of the Joseph Story,” Bible and Spade 9 (1996), pp. 17-28.

·         M. Bietak, Avaris and Piramesse: Archaeological Exploration in the Eastern Nile Delta, (London: The British Academy, 1986); “Der Friedhof in einem Palastgarten aus der Zeit des spten Mittleren Riches und andere Forschungsergebnisse aus dem stlichen Nildelta (Tell el-Daba 1984-1987),” Agypten und Levante 2 (1991a), pp. 47-109; “Egypt and Canaan During the Middle Bronze Age,” Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research, 281 (1991b), pp. 27-72; Avaris: The Capital of the Hyksos, (London: British Museum Press, 1996).

o    Biran, “City of the Golden Calf,” Bible and Spade, 5 (1976), pp. 22-27; “To the God Who is in Dan,” in Temples and High Places in Biblical Times, A. Biran, editor, (Jerusalem: Hebrew Union College, 1981), pp. 142-51.

·         Chambon, “Tell el-Far'ah I: L'ge du Fer,” Mmoire 31 (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1984).

·         Finkelstein, “Izbet Sartah: An Early Iron Age Site Near Rosh Haayin, Israel,” BAR International Series 299 (Oxford: B.A.R., 1986).

·         V. Fritz and A. Kempinski, Ergebnisse der Ausgrabunden auf der Hiebet el-Msas (Tel Masos) 1972-1975 (Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1983).

o    Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs (London: Oxford University Press, 1961).

·         H. Gauthier, Dictionnaire des noms goraphiques contenus dans les textes hiroglyphiques, Volume 1 (Cairo: L'Institute Franais d'Archologie Orientale, 1925).

·         H.L. Ginsberg, “Aramaic Letters,” in J.B. Pritchard, editor, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 491-492.

·         D.V. Hadley, “Asher,” in D.N. Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 1 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), pp. 482-483.

·         J.S. Holladay, Jr. “House, Israelite,” in D.N. Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3 (New York: Doubleday, 1992a), pp. 308-18; “Maskhuta, Tell el-,” in D.N. Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 4 (New York: Doubleday, 1992b), pp. 588-92; “Maskhuta, Tell el-,” in E.M. Meyers, editor, The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East, Volume 3 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1997), pp. 432-437.

·         K.A. Kitchen, Ancient Orient and Old Testament, (Downers Grove IL: InterVarsity, 1966); Ramesside Inscriptions Translated and Annotated: Notes and Comments, Volume 1 (Oxford: Blackwell, 1993).

·         Lemaire, “House of David Restored in Moabite Inscription,” Biblical Archaeology Review, 20/3 (1994), pp. 30-37.

·         C.C. McCown, Tell en-Nasbeh I (Berkeley: The Palestine Institute of Pacific School of Religion, 1947).

·         A.L. Oppenheim, “Babylonian and Assyrian Historical Texts,” in J.B. Pritchard, editor, Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969), pp. 265-317, 556-567.

·         D.B. Redford, “Hyksos: History,” in D.N. Freedman, editor, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 3 (New York: Doubleday, 1992), pp. 341-344.

·         D.M. Rohl, Pharaohs and Kings: A Biblical Quest (New York: Crown, 1995).

·         H. Shanks, “Strata,” Biblical Archaeology Review, 23/2 (1997), p. 8.

·         W.H. Shea, “Leaving Egypt,” Archaeology and Biblical Research, 3 (1990), pp. 99-111.

·         E. Stern, Material Culture of the Land of the Bible in the Persian Period 538-332 B.C. (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1982).

·         W.A. Ward, “Royal-Name Scarabs,” in Olga Tufnell, Studies on Scarab Seals, Volume 2 (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1984), pp. 151-192.

·         E. Wente and C. Van Siclen III, “A Chronology of the New Kingdom,” in Studies in Honor of George R. Hughes January 12, 1977, J.H. Johnson and E.F. Wente, editors, Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization, 39 (Chicago: The Oriental Institute, 1977), pp. 217-261.

·         B.G. Wood, “Recent Discoveries and Research on the Conquest,” Archaeology and Biblical Research, 4 (1991), pp. 104-110; “Mesha, King of Moab,” Bible and Spade, 9 (1996), pp. 55-64.

·         G.E. Wright, Shechem: The Biography of a Biblical City (London: Gerald Duckworth, 1965).


Author: Dr. Bryant G. Wood of Associates for Biblical Research.

Adapted from the ABR article: “The Sons of Jacob: New Evidence for the Presence of the Israelites in Egypt”

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